L'affaire a déjà provoqué un coup de froid entre les États-Unis et la Russie à propos des adoptions.
Au tribunal moscovite Tverskoï, lundi 11 mars au matin, l'heure est à la bousculade. Dès l'ouverture de la minuscule salle d'audience réservée à l'affaire Magnitski, soixante journalistes tentent de prendre d'assaut les deux seules banquettes réservées au public. En revanche, la cage en fer où les prévenus sont traditionnellement conduits reste vide. Et pour cause: le principal accusé, Sergueï Magnitski, ancien conseil du fonds Hermitage Capital, est décédé en prison en 2009, vraisemblablement à la suite de mauvais traitements. Le second, William Browder, qui fut son employeur à Moscou, est officiellement interdit de séjour en Russie depuis 2007. Les deux hommes sont accusés de fraude fiscale à hauteur de 13 millions d'euros. En dix minutes, l'audience est une nouvelle fois reportée, au 22 mars.
Le fait qu'un tel procès, portant sur une somme relativement dérisoire, soit organisé post mortem est loin d'effrayer les autorités russes. Peu leur importe le fait que les prévenus ne purgeront jamais leur peine. Elles veulent montrer à leur opinion publique que Sergueï Magnitski n'est pas le chevalier blanc de la lutte anticorruption dépeint par l'Occident mais un délinquant fiscal attentant aux intérêts nationaux.
Pour Moscou, l'enjeu politique est crucial: la notoriété posthume de l'ancien juriste pourrait bientôt dépasser celle de l'oligarque et opposant à Poutine Mikhaïl Khodorkovski, aujourd'hui sous les verrous.
Les 60 tomes du dossier
Selon ses anciens employeurs, Magnitski aurait été liquidé en prison après qu'il eut mis au jour un vaste système de fraude organisée par des responsables du ministère de l'Intérieur, portant sur près de 135 millions d'euros. Les responsables présumés de son décès n'ayant jamais été inquiétés, le Congrès américain avait décidé lui-même de les sanctionner, conduisant à son tour la Douma à interdire l'adoption d'enfants russes par des couples américains. Parallèlement au lancement d'une campagne de propagande sur le thème:«Ne touchez pas à nos orphelins», le pouvoir russe lance donc la contre-attaque sur le volet originel - et judiciaire - de l'affaire. Le plus difficile à gérer.
Refusant d'être «complice d'un tel cirque», la famille du juriste défunt a refusé de désigner un défenseur. Quant à l'avocat commis d'office, qui s'exposait à être radié du barreau s'il refusait cette commande gouvernementale, il s'abstient de tout zèle excessif. Tout en étant absent de l'audience, lundi matin, il a réclamé un report de deux mois de l'affaire, le temps, officiellement, d'étudier les 60 tomes du dossier. Une demande «non motivée qui n'a d'autre but que de faire traîner le procès», a accusé le représentant du procureur.
Parallèlement au procès, la campagne médiatique s'amplifie. Le week-end précédent, les deux principales chaînes de télévision fédérale ont diffusé des documentaires chocs, censés prouver la culpabilité du principal coaccusé, William Browder, accusé par ailleurs d'espionnage au profit de son pays de refuge, le Royaume-Uni. «Cette propagande n'est efficace qu'en dehors des grandes villes russes, et encore à moitié: même si les Russes approuvent les mesures de représailles antiaméricaines sur l'adoption d'enfants, ils éprouvent de la compassion à l'égard de Sergueï Magnitski», explique Denis Vodkov, un sondeur de l'Institut Levada. Autant dire que le Kremlin n'est pas encore sorti du guêpier. _________________ A la guerre comme a la guerre èëè âòîðàÿ ðåäàêöèÿ Çàáóãîðíîâà
Óãîëîâíîå äåëî â èõ îòíîøåíèè â îêòÿáðå 2011 ãîäà âûäåëåíî â îòäåëüíîå ïðîèçâîäñòâî.  ðàìêàõ åãî ðàññëåäîâàíèÿ ñ ó÷åòîì èñòå÷åíèÿ ñðîêà äàâíîñòè ïðèâëå÷åíèÿ ê óãîëîâíîé îòâåòñòâåííîñòè ïðåñëåäîâàíèå Ëèòâèíîâîé Ë.À. ñ å¸ ñîãëàñèÿ ïðåêðàùåíî. Äàííîå îñíîâàíèå ïðåêðàùåíèÿ óãîëîâíîãî ïðåñëåäîâàíèÿ ÿâëÿåòñÿ íåðåàáèëèòèðóþùèì è ïîçèöèÿ îðãàíîâ ïðåäâàðèòåëüíîãî ñëåäñòâèÿ îòíîñèòåëüíî åå âèíîâíîñòè â ñîâåðøåíèè èíêðèìèíèðóåìîãî äåÿíèÿ îñòàëàñü íåèçìåííîé.
Ïîñëå çàâåðøåíèÿ ðàññëåäîâàíèÿ è óòâåðæäåíèÿ îáâèíèòåëüíîãî çàêëþ÷åíèÿ Ãåíåðàëüíîé ïðîêóðàòóðîé Ðîññèéñêîé Ôåäåðàöèè óãîëîâíîå äåëî â îòíîøåíèè Êðàòîâà Ä.Á. íàïðàâëåíî â Òâåðñêîé ðàéîííûé ñóä ã. Ìîñêâû. Ïî ðåçóëüòàòàì åãî ðàññìîòðåíèÿ ñóäîì Êðàòîâ Ä.Á. áûë îïðàâäàí. Îöåíêà ðåøåíèÿ ïðèíÿòîãî ñóäîì â îòíîøåíèè Êðàòîâà Ä.Á. â êîìïåòåíöèþ ñëåäñòâåííûõ îðãàíîâ íå âõîäèò.
Òàêæå ñëåäñòâèåì ïðîâåðåíû äîâîäû î íåçàêîííîñòè çàäåðæàíèÿ Ñåðãåÿ Ìàãíèòñêîãî, ïðèâëå÷åíèÿ ê óãîëîâíîé îòâåòñòâåííîñòè, èçáðàíèÿ â îòíîøåíèè åãî ìåðû ïðåñå÷åíèÿ è öåëåíàïðàâëåííîãî ñîçäàíèÿ òàêèõ óñëîâèé ñîäåðæàíèÿ ïîä ñòðàæåé, êîòîðûå ïðÿìî ïîâëåêëè åãî ñìåðòü.
Èçëîæåííûå â ìíîãî÷èñëåííûõ îáðàùåíèÿõ óòâåðæäåíèÿ îá óãîëîâíîì ïðåñëåäîâàíèè Ìàãíèòñêîãî â ñâÿçè ñ åãî ïîïûòêîé èçîáëè÷èòü ñîòðóäíèêîâ ïðàâîîõðàíèòåëüíûõ îðãàíîâ, â ïðè÷àñòíîñòè ê õèùåíèþ 5,4 ìèëëèàðäîâ áþäæåòíûõ äåíåæíûõ ñðåäñòâ, ïðîâåðåíû ñëåäñòâåííûì ïóòåì è îïðîâåðãàþòñÿ ïîëó÷åííûìè äîêàçàòåëüñòâàìè.
Âûñêàçûâàíèå Ìàãíèòñêèì ïðåäïîëîæåíèé î ñîâåðøåíèè òàêîãî ïðåñòóïëåíèÿ íå ìîãóò áûòü ïîëîæåíû â îñíîâó ÷üåãî-ëèáî óãîëîâíîãî ïðåñëåäîâàíèÿ.
Óñòàíîâëåíî, ÷òî óãîëîâíîå ïðåñëåäîâàíèå Ìàãíèòñêîãî çà ïîñîáíè÷åñòâî â óêëîíåíèè îò óïëàòû íàëîãîâ ÎÎÎ «Äàëüíÿÿ ñòåïü» è «Ñàòóðí Èíâåñòìåíòñ» â îñîáî êðóïíîì ðàçìåðå ïóòåì çàíèæåíèÿ íàëîãîîáëàãàåìîé áàçû çà ñ÷åò ôèêòèâíîãî òðóäîóñòðîéñòâà â äàííûå îðãàíèçàöèè ëèö, èìåþùèõ èíâàëèäíîñòü, îñóùåñòâëÿëîñü îáîñíîâàííî. Îñíîâàíèÿìè çàäåðæàíèÿ Ìàãíèòñêîãî ïî óãîëîâíîìó äåëó ïîñëóæèëè, â òîì ÷èñëå è ïîêàçàíèÿ óêàçàííûõ ÿêîáû òðóäîóñòðîåííûõ èì ëèö.
Ìåðà ïðåñå÷åíèÿ â âèäå çàêëþ÷åíèÿ ïîä ñòðàæó â îòíîøåíèè Ìàãíèòñêîãî èçáèðàëàñü â ñîîòâåòñòâèè ñ íîðìàìè çàêîíà è ïðè íàëè÷èè äîñòàòî÷íûõ íà òî îñíîâàíèé. Çà ïåðèîä ðàññëåäîâàíèÿ íè Ìàãíèòñêèé, íè åãî çàùèòíèêè íå áûëè îãðàíè÷åíû â ïðàâå íà îáæàëîâàíèå è ïðåäîñòàâëåíèè êàêèõ-ëèáî äîêàçàòåëüñòâ.
Âñå îáæàëîâàííûå Ìàãíèòñêèì è åãî çàùèòíèêàìè äåéñòâèÿ è ðåøåíèÿ ñëåäîâàòåëåé ÌÂÄ Ðîññèè è ñóäîâ ïðèçíàíû çàêîííûìè è îáîñíîâàííûìè âûøåñòîÿùèìè èíñòàíöèÿìè è íå îòìåíåíû.
Îòñóòñòâèå îáúåêòèâíûõ äàííûõ î ñîâåðøåíèè â îòíîøåíèè Ìàãíèòñêîãî ïðåñòóïëåíèé ïîçâîëèëî îðãàíîì ïðåäâàðèòåëüíîãî ñëåäñòâèÿ ïðèíÿòü ðåøåíèå î ïðåêðàùåíèè óãîëîâíîãî äåëà â ñâÿçè ñ îòñóòñòâèåì ñîáûòèÿ ïðåñòóïëåíèÿ.
Î ïðèíÿòîì ðåøåíèè ðîäñòâåííèêè Ìàãíèòñêîãî è èõ ïðåäñòàâèòåëè óâåäîìëåíû â óñòàíîâëåííîì çàêîíîì ïîðÿäêå ñ íàïðàâëåíèåì êîïèè ïðîöåññóàëüíîãî ðåøåíèÿ ïî÷òîâîé ñâÿçüþ. _________________ A la guerre comme a la guerre èëè âòîðàÿ ðåäàêöèÿ Çàáóãîðíîâà
Ñ äåêàáðÿ 2007 ãîäà Õàéðåòäèíîâ ðàñïðîñòðàíÿåò ñâåäåíèÿ î õèùåíèè ó Áðàóäåðà (ó Hermitage Capital) íàçâàííûõ ôèðì è î ïðè÷àñòíîñòè ê ýòèì ñîáûòèÿì ñîòðóäíèêîâ ðîññèéñêèõ ïðàâîîõðàíèòåëüíûõ îðãàíîâ, îáîñíîâûâàÿ ýòî òåì, ÷òî â èþíå 2007 ãîäà îíè â õîäå îáûñêà èçúÿëè ó÷ðåäèòåëüíûå äîêóìåíòû è ïå÷àòè «Ðèëýíäà», «Ìàõàîíà» è «Ïàðôåíèîíà» è â ïîñëåäóþùåì èñïîëüçîâàëè èõ äëÿ ïåðåîôîðìëåíèÿ ýòèõ ôèðì íà äðóãèõ ëèö.
Ïîñëå î÷åðåäíîé ñìåíû íîìèíàëüíîãî âëàäåëüöà îáùåñòâ «Ðèëýíä», «Ìàõàîí» è «Ïàðôåíèîí» («Ïëóòîí») íà íîâîå ïîäñòàâíîå ëèöî — êîìïàíèþ Boily Systems (Áðèòàíñêèå Âèðãèíñêèå îñòðîâà), Õàéðåòäèíîâ îðãàíèçîâûâàåò òàéíîå èçúÿòèå â íàëîãîâûõ îðãàíàõ è ïîñëåäóþùåå õðàíåíèå ó ñåáÿ ïîäëîæíûõ äîêóìåíòîâ, èçãîòîâëåííûõ Ìàãíèòñêèì è èñïîëüçîâàííûõ Ãàñàíîâûì è Ìàðêåëîâûì äëÿ ñîâåðøåíèÿ õèùåíèÿ 5,4 ìëðä ðóá.
Ïîñëå îáíàðóæåíèÿ ðÿäà èç óêàçàííûõ íàëîãîâûõ äîêóìåíòîâ â õîäå îáûñêà ó Õàéðåòäèíîâà, ïîñëåäíèé ñïåøíî ïîêèíóë òåððèòîðèþ Ðîññèéñêîé Ôåäåðàöèè è ïî èìåþùåéñÿ èíôîðìàöèè äî ñèõ ïîð íàõîäèòñÿ â Âåëèêîáðèòàíèè, ãäå ñ 2006–2007 ãîäîâ ñêðûâàþòñÿ áîëüøèíñòâî ëèö èç ãðóïïû Áðàóäåðà, çàäåéñòâîâàííûõ èì â ìíîãîëåòíåé ñèñòåìíî îðãàíèçîâàííîé ìîøåííè÷åñêîé äåÿòåëüíîñòè.
Ïîäðîáíåå: http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2876942 _________________ A la guerre comme a la guerre èëè âòîðàÿ ðåäàêöèÿ Çàáóãîðíîâà
A floor with the Interpol logo at the international police agency headquarters in Lyon, France. (Laurent Cirpiani/AP)
By William Browder
November 19 at 4:13 PM
William Browder is the author of “Red Notice” and an activist who spearheaded the Global Magnitsky Act.
Early last month, the wife of Meng Hongwei, a Chinese national and the president of Interpol, reported that her husband had disappeared on a trip to China. Three days passed before the Chinese government admitted detaining him and placing him under investigation. Following that, Interpol received a notice of Meng’s resignation. Whether he wrote it or not is unknown.
Last Saturday, news began circulating that a Russian official is the front-runner to replace Meng as president of Interpol. At first, I thought this must be a joke. Russia has demonstrated some of the most criminal tendencies of any country in the world. Its agents used a military-grade chemical weapon in an attack in Salisbury in Britain. Russian missiles murdered 298 innocents on Flight MH17 over Ukraine. And the Kremlin’s operatives have interfered with elections in the United States and Europe. Russia shouldn’t even be on the list of countries that could provide a leader for Interpol.
Later this week, Interpol’s general assembly in Dubai will decide who becomes Interpol’s next president. The vote will take place on Wednesday, and the choice is between the Russian interior ministry officer Alexander Prokopchuk and Interpol’s current interim president, a South Korean named Kim Jong Yang.
No one should want to see a Russian elevated to this post, but I have a particular personal interest in seeing that it doesn’t happen.
In 2012, I succeeded in advocating for the U.S. government to pass the Magnitsky Act, named after my colleague Sergei Magnitsky, who was imprisoned by Russian authorities after exposing high-level corruption, and who died in detention after being beaten and denied medical care. This law allows the United States to freeze the assets and ban visas for Russian human rights abusers. Since then, Russian President Vladimir Putin has embarked on a vendetta against me. This has taken a number of forms, including death threats and plans for illegal renditions. But one of the most pernicious has been Moscow’s repeated attempts to misuse Interpol to try to have me arrested and extradited back to Russia, where they will likely torture and kill me.
China says ex-Interpol chief faces bribery probe back home
China said on Monday it was investigating former Interpol chief Meng Hongwei for bribery and other violations, days after French authorities said the Chinese official had been reported missing by his wife after traveling from France to his home country. (Reuters)
Moscow first attempted to use Interpol to go after me in May 2013 with a request for an Interpol Red Notice. Interpol rejected this, stating that the Russian request violated Interpol’s constitution, since it was obviously politically motivated. Several months later, the Russians tried again to get a Red Notice for me — and once again, it was rejected.
After two explicit rejections, one might think Russia would give up trying to use Interpol to have me arrested. Instead, the Russians altered their tactics.
In October 2017, the Canadian Parliament unanimously passed its own version of the Magnitsky Act. In response, Putin’s government went after me using something called an Interpol “diffusion notice.” This was also an Interpol arrest warrant, but one that required far less oversight than a Red Notice.
Again, Interpol intervened, declaring it politically motivated.
Then, in May of this year, I was actually arrested in Madrid. I’d been invited there by a senior Spanish prosecutor to give evidence against Russian organized crime and money laundering taking place in Spain and connected to the Magnitsky case. I was arrested at my hotel by Spanish National Police, and released from custody only after Interpol intervened.
In reaction to the Madrid incident, Russia’s most senior law enforcement officer, Yuri Chaika, gave a news conference in Moscow, saying: “We will redouble our efforts to get Bill Browder. . . . He should not sleep peacefully at night.”
On Monday morning, the Russian government went one step further. Officials in Moscow held a news conference at which they absurdly accused me of murdering Sergei Magnitsky himself and described me as the leader of a “transnational criminal group” who needed to be apprehended.
In total, Russia has tried to use Interpol seven times to have me arrested. If there ever was a case for why Russia should not have any authority at Interpol, I am that case.
I am, however, by no means alone. Russia has sought the imprisonment of scores of people connected to Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the former head of oil giant Yukos and an outspoken Putin critic. It is pursuing the supporters of Alexei Navalny, the Russian anti-corruption activist. Every week I get a call from a new victim of Russia’s abuse of the Interpol system.
I’m working with lawyers and other victims on an initiative to apply Interpol’s own rules to suspend Russia from using the Interpol system. Its serial abuse is well documented and undeniable. It would be an absurd and Kafkaesque scenario if — rather than Russia being suspended — one of Putin’s henchmen were to become the leader of one of the world’s most important law enforcement institutions.
Interpol plays a crucial role in tracking and apprehending fugitives around the world. To allow Interpol to be commandeered by one of the most criminal dictators on the planet serves the interests of no one but the Kremlin.
On Wednesday, all democratic and transparent nations should band together and use their influence to ensure that Interpol does not debase itself by effectively becoming an arm of the Russian mafia. _________________ A la guerre comme a la guerre èëè âòîðàÿ ðåäàêöèÿ Çàáóãîðíîâà